How white supremacists staged the only successful coup in U.S. history
Wilmington’s Forgotten Revolution: The 1898 White Supremacist Takeover
How white supremacists staged the only – Walking through downtown Wilmington, North Carolina, visitors might overlook a quiet monument consisting of six bronze paddles reaching upward. The inscription on this memorial is difficult to decipher in certain areas, not due to weathering, but because the narrative it conveys challenges conventional understanding. While few guided tours address this remarkable chapter, Cedric Harrison remains committed to ensuring the community recognizes this history. “The first thing we have to do to solve this problem is education,” he emphasized. “One of my elders always told me, if you knew better, you do better.”
A Church’s Hidden Legacy
Within walking distance stands Wilmington’s First Presbyterian Church, where fragments of this extraordinary story remain preserved. Lauren Collins, currently a writer for The New Yorker publication, spent her childhood attending services at this congregation and received her baptism there. She directed attention toward a stained-glass window positioned at the rear of the sanctuary, honoring Col. Walker Taylor. During her youth, Collins lacked knowledge regarding the historical significance of figures such as Taylor, yet she sensed that additional mysteries existed within her hometown. “I always had this sense that there was something a little off, a little amiss,” she recalled. Research revealed that during the late 1890s, Colonel Taylor emerged as a prominent white supremacist, as did the church’s minister, Reverend Peyton Harrison Hoge. “When I learned this, it was shocking, and it was personal,” Collins observed. “Loving a place doesn’t mean lying about it, or lying for it.”
Uncovering the Coup
While the congregation actively works to reconcile with its complicated heritage, the broader Wilmington community has progressed more gradually. Collins’ recently released publication, titled “They Stole a City,” examines the city’s most turbulent period: the sole successful coup within American history. Many residents remain unfamiliar with this event. Collins noted that some individuals she approached declined to participate in discussions, while numerous others expressed eagerness to share their perspectives. “This is not gonna end well,” warned Tom Keith, whose grandfather B.F. Keith represented one of the limited number of white elites opposing the rising tide of white supremacy. As the campaign intensified, Keith’s grandfather corresponded extensively with state and federal officials, predicting violent consequences.
The Night of Terror
During 1898, Wilmington functioned as a thriving, racially integrated municipality where Black and white citizens jointly occupied political offices and leadership roles. This arrangement served as an exemplary model for the developing New South region. Nevertheless, certain segments of society, particularly the former slave-owning population predominantly aligned with Southern Democrats, rejected this progressive trajectory. “They explicitly centered their campaign around the issue of white supremacy,” Collins explained. Tom Keith revealed that local political figures possessed an actual manual detailing strategies for constructing white supremacy movements. “It was not secret, like it would be today,” he clarified.
A document resembling a “white Declaration of Independence” emerged from this period, partially authored by affluent merchant Hugh MacRae. When questioned about his ancestor’s racial views, Hugh MacRae III responded affirmatively. “By definition, yes,” he stated. “The scary thing that strikes you is that I’m convinced that these folks thought they were doing the right thing.”
According to their perspective, eliminating Black presence from Wilmington represented moral righteousness. On the morning of November 10, 1898, this objective materialized through violent action, beginning with the destruction of the city’s sole Black newspaper. A crowd attacked The Daily Record building, igniting flames before gathering for photographs. Collins described how each viewing of these images produces a visceral reaction. “They have this look of flushed satisfaction. It’s a trophy,” she remarked.
The violence subsequently spread to Fourth and Harnett Streets intersection, where gunfire resulted in three Black fatalities within moments. Throughout the following hours, a vehicle equipped with a rapid-fire weapon moved freely through neighborhoods, targeting predominantly defenseless Black residents. While exact casualty figures remain uncertain, historians estimate between dozens and hundreds perished. Among those murdered was Joshua Halsey, a Black worker and father of four daughters. Meeting records from the conspirators specifically identified him for elimination. “It’s in the minutes: ‘When you see that n—– Josh, get that n—– Josh,'” recounted Elaine Brown, his great-granddaughter. Halsey’s legal action against the city following his wife Sallie’s injury on a deteriorating bridge had inadvertently marked him for death. “They were building a life, they owned a home, they were upstanding citizens,” Brown affirmed. “The only guilt was being Black.”