By allowing Israel to bomb Iran, Trump is pushing Tehran to go nuclear
By allowing Israel to bomb Iran, Trump is pushing Tehran to go nuclear
Donald Trump’s decision to permit Israel’s assault on Iran marks the most significant miscalculation by a U.S. president since the Iraq invasion led by George W. Bush. The latter’s action ignited a prolonged conflict that claimed at least 655,000 lives, according to The Lancet, birthed the extremist Islamic State group, and nearly toppled a major nation, which remains in recovery after 14 years.
Trump’s move risks triggering an even greater crisis. By enabling Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to strike Iran during ongoing diplomatic talks, the U.S. presidency is now equated with the manipulative tactics of Al Capone or Joaquin “El Chapo” Guzman. This behavior reflects the mindset of a criminal syndicate, not a leader of a world power.
Who can now believe in America’s word? A declining superpower must increasingly rely on others’ trust. Trump and his inner circle remain oblivious to the consequences, reveling in their deception as they deliver hundreds of Hellfire missiles to Israel and share real-time intelligence.
A history of betrayal
Israel’s drones neutralized Iranian targets, either in their sleep or at headquarters. Tel Aviv and Washington call this a strategic victory, with Secretary of State Marco Rubio praising the “exquisite intel” provided to the Israeli military.
“Iran must make a deal, before there is nothing left, and save what was once known as the Iranian Empire. No more death, no more destruction, JUST DO IT, BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE. God Bless You All!”
Trump’s rhetoric, while dismissive, overlooks Iran’s deep-rooted grievances. The nation, with a population of 92 million and a history spanning millennia, remembers the eight-year ordeal under Saddam Hussein, backed by the West. During that period, Iran endured chemical warfare, including the 1988 Halabja massacre, which the U.S. and Europe downplayed.
Richard Beeston, a late colleague from The Times, recounted how British diplomats tried to convince Saddam’s regime that the gas attacks in Halabja were merely a setback. Reagan’s 1983 directive, NSDD 114, prioritized protecting U.S. forces and oil interests in the Gulf, ignoring Saddam’s use of chemical weapons. The policy continued even as Kurdish civilians were systematically poisoned.
Saddam’s forces initially advanced swiftly, but were gradually repelled at great human cost. Like Netanyahu today, he received Western backing to develop weapons of mass destruction. German companies supplied the technology and chemicals necessary for mustard gas, sarin, and tabun, reinforcing Iran’s fear of external manipulation.
The Iran-Iraq war, which Iran ultimately won, solidified its resolve to build a network of armed groups from the Mediterranean to its borders. This strategy of self-reliance and deterrence, forged in the bloodshed of that conflict, now faces new challenges as Mossad maps and targets key figures in the Revolutionary Guards and Hezbollah—long before the Hamas attack.
